Tuesday's Protests in D.C.

Arriving

It’s Tuesday afternoon and National Guard units occupy every intersection in downtown Washington, DC. I ride my bicycle up to a Humvee and ask some of the soldiers where they’re from. They look at me and then at each other. One of them finally speaks up, “South Carolina.” They wear surgical masks and latex gloves and stand apart from one another, signs that they are operating under a protocol for the coronavirus. They look at me askance, like they’re anxious for me to go away. Then I understand they’re not looking at me at all. They’ve only just arrived in the city and they’re trying to take it in. For some of them, this is their first visit to the imperial capital.

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I’m heading toward Lafayette Park. It has been the epicenter of protest here because it abuts the White House. It is also where some of the most riotous police are quartered.

As I approach, I see ranks of police from various federal agencies: the Drug Enforcement Agency, Customs and Border Protection, the US Park Police, the Secret Service, and others that hide their identity. Other groups carry plexiglass riot shields that simply say, “Military Police.” Clusters of Homeland Security agents swagger in front of an upscale hotel. A couple wear kuffiyyehs around their necks, nostalgically recreating their days as adventurers in Iraq and Afghanistan. Most look at us through the mirrored Oakley glasses favored by soldiers.

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I will see thousands of policemen that day. They have all been imported from somewhere else. Our local policemen—DC’s Metropolitan Police Department—have distanced themselves from this action. Some cops in fancy body armor lounge on the grass, like cosplayers at a Marvel comics convention. Others stand shoulder to shoulder in tight battle formations under the hot afternoon sun.

Unlike the soldiers in the street, and unlike the thousands of protesters who are converging on the place, the policemen do not wear face masks. Not one. It’s almost as they had been given an order by commanders who believe that masks are for weaklings. It reminds me of what happened here yesterday, when Trump’s office ordered these same federal police to attack the crowd with tear gas and billy clubs. It was the mildly-named Park Police who viciously cleared the street so that Trump could march over to a local church and stand briefly, upside-down Bible in hand, for a photo opportunity. The point of that exercise was to demonstrate “dominance” over protesters, as Trump put it on a phone call with governors earlier in the day. Gassing peaceful citizens is one way to show dominance. Not wearing a mask is another. The unmasked police appear to be on board every step of the way.

Demonstrating means to show.

It is the middle of a work day but already more than a thousand people have gathered along H Street, which runs parallel to the park. The crowd is Black and White and Brown. It is young and old. It is poor and it is middle class. In a deeply segregated city like this one, this is the most integrated place you can find. Besides the numbers, what you notice is the voices. They are loud and angry, but also full of life and joy. They’ve been singing for a long time already, but they are not tired of it. I lock up my bicycle, find my friends, and join in. We all do:

No Justice, No Peace

No Racist Police

It goes on for a minute, then a young man with a bullhorn calls out:

Show me what democracy looks like!

And we answer:

This is what democracy looks like!

This chant eventually dwindles, at which point the man with the bullhorn pivots:

Say his name!

And we answer:

George Floyd!

He shouts:

Say her name!

And we answer:

Breonna Taylor!

There is power in calling out the names of one’s murdered brothers and sisters. This ritual is one of the most original innovations that organizers from Black Lives Matter have given to American protest culture. It adds a funereal air to the event, and reminds us of the brutal fact that what brings us together is the loss of life.

We declaim the names of victims for minutes on end, but it doesn’t get old. For many of us, this is how the names come to be part of our active consciousness. We say their names and picture them, not as death statistics, but as individuals who lived and were loved. We shout their names and sing them—angry about what has been taken away from us, but also joyfully insistent that their lives are remembered. There is magic in the ritual: to affirm that a life matters even after it has been taken is also an affirmation about our own lives. If we believe Black lives matter, then we can say all lives matter.

Finally, the man with the bull horn calls out, I can’t breathe! We fall in beside him and shout those words over and over, remembering not only that George Floyd said these words as he was being killed, but so did Eric Garner, when he was choked to death by New York Policemen in July 2014. And then, the man calls out again: Say his name!

Saying their names is an occasion to acknowledge what we have lost and to mourn that loss. It is an occasion to reaffirm our love of life as well as an occasion to focus our anger on the system that makes Black life in this country so precarious and expendable. The names are a salve and a weapon. It feels right to say them over and over again. If they remain remembered, maybe we will too.

And then, everyone takes a knee. Heads down, eyes on the ground, we sit in mournful silence for a minute. Then another. The only sounds are helicopters chopping the air in the distance and a far off siren. The silence goes on for a couple more minutes, everyone lost in their own meditative state. The silence is as powerful as any slogan I’ve ever heard, and the imagination fills the void with more words than could ever be said.

Suddenly, we’re putting our hands in the air and chanting again, Hands up, Don’t Shoot! And now we’re walking, east on H Street, then north on 14th Street. By now, our ranks have swelled into the thousands. Everyone is wearing a mask. Everyone is doing their best to maintain a foot or more distance from their neighbors. Lots of people are carrying signs. Most contain direct messages:

Justice for Floyd

Black Lives Matter.

Defund the police.

Abolish the Police.

Silence is Violence.

Some are playful:

Roses are red / Doritos are savory / The US prison system / Is organized slavery.

Many are blunt, but no less effective:

ACAB

Fuck 12

Organizers walk through the crowd, handing out bottles of water, snack bars, and hand sanitizer. People are wearing shirts with logos, faces and names: BLM, Palestine, Tupac, Standing Rock. The leaders of the action are way off in the front, leading songs with their bullhorns. But in the back, groups are launching their own songs. There’s news that the Minnesota Attorney General has finally placed charges against Floyd’s murderer. No word about the other three policemen who abetted the crime. Behind us, a group of boisterous teenage Black girls starts up:

Three more to go!

And some of them answer:

Convict all four!

After a few minutes, there’s hundreds of us singing the new chant. We turn west on U Street, and eventually south on 16th Street.

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Every so often, we pause to take a knee. We hold that position for eight minutes and forty-six seconds, the amount of time Officer Chauvin kneeled on George Floyd’s neck. Sitting there, in silence, we begin to appreciate that amount of time. How much intention it takes to hold it for that long. As we do this, the whole city turns silent with us, as if this march had its fingers on the city’s volume control. An hour and a half later, we’re back where we started at Lafayette Park. Just before the 7PM curfew, older people like me and my friends begin to leave. We say goodbye and plan to meet again in the same spot. Hundreds, mostly teens, will stay for the more violent confrontations that start after sunset. When I leave, the kids are still going strong: painting signs and smoking joints, singing and talking, laughing and dancing. One girl flashes a peace sign at me.

“Stay safe,” I tell her.

“I am safe,” she answers.

Leaving

I am happy to find my bicycle still in one piece. I unlock it and ride home. I’m on my guard—I always am. Leaving a demonstration can be dangerous. It can mean parting from your friends, which makes you more vulnerable. Sometimes, it means crossing through police lines. For Black men and women, this is the most dangerous moment of the day, and when police often launch savage attacks against isolated individuals.

But it’s not just the cops you need to worry about. In 1992, during the so-called Rodney King Riots, two of my ribs were broken while I was on my way home from a protest that had started out peaceful. It hurt and I have never forgotten the experience.

At the backside of the White House, at the place they call the Ellipse, I pass hundreds of policemen in full riot gear. More are massing in the shade of trees along the north side of the National Mall. When I stop to ask a group where they’re from, they stare at me but say nothing, as if I were speaking a foreign tongue. In the reflection of their mirrored wrap-around glasses, I look like a stick figure. For some of them, this place may as well be Anbar or Helmand.

Leaving a demonstration also means looking at things again from another view. From the outside, protests appear to many like odd, pointless ceremonies. Odd, like when you can see people dancing, but cannot hear the music that makes them dance. And they are exactly as pointless as dancing, which is to say — exactly as meaningful and important. But if you don’t like dance, you won’t understand.

I think of all this and am struck by how much conceptual work we were doing in that protest, and how much we’d accomplished. We were restating long-standing demands: end police violence, end White supremacy, end Anti-Blackness. We were articulating brand-new ones—defund the police, put crooked and violent cops on trial, end Trump’s misrule now. These demands go from the local to the global and back again. We were creating a narrative that, until now, has not yet been co-opted or tamed by the many forces of the neoliberal status quo. The media still hasn’t enveloped the events with prefab story. Nor has the Democratic Party leadership. Local officials are still reeling, and waking up to the fact that they’d better start running harder if they want to catch up. There is a movement. At present, it is unled and inchoate, but it is moving and there is so much talent and anger and life here that it won’t disappear today.

So the demonstration was good for crystalizing things. The bulk of our work on Tuesday was connective in nature. In remembering the names of victims, we were connecting far-off moments and places—Ferguson, Minneapolis, North Dakota, Palestine—and people we might not know personally—George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Eric Garner, Michael Brown and others. We were claiming these people as comrades, friends, and family. We were also naming our enemies—Trump, Pence, Barr, McConnell, Chauvin and so many others. We were noticing who was present—Jose Andres, Elizabeth Warren—and who was not. We were connecting all this together into one coherent narrative thread, and a single ongoing struggle. And were connecting all those pasts and presents to us, marching here, now, in Washington, DC. And to think: we did all that merely by dancing in formation.

On the sidewalk in front of my home, my neighbor accosts me. He’s been extremely upset by a rash of nearby store robberies that took place a few days ago, but I’ve never seen him troubled by the killing of Black Americans. When he sees me pulling up on my bike, he asks, “Where’ve you been?”

I tell him. And then, for the next half hour, he tells me stories about the threats to our safety. He’d seen a sign warning people in our neighborhood that we would be targeted. “They’re going to come here next.”

“Who are they?” I finally asked.

“You want me to say it?” He didn’t like the question.

“Not if you don’t want to.”

He squinted and shook his head, like I was a child who understood nothing. Adults had no business going to these things.

I didn’t have the heart to tell him that I’d seen his younger son at the protests.

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A New Song for February - أغنية جديدة إلى فبراير

Zayn al-‘Ābdīn Fu’ād is one of the leading movement poets of his generation, and some of his best-known poems were part of Sheikh Imam’s repertoire. Fu’ād belongs to the ‘68 generation of radical students, and he is one of the students who occupied Cairo University’s campus during the massive January-February protests against the corruption and ineptitude of the Nasser regime. During his imprisonment, Fu’ād wrote a number of short colloquial Egyptian Arabic poems, which can be found in his diwān, al-Ḥulm fi-l-sijn.

A New Song for February

(2 February 1972)

We are as ever, February!

Called before our time

If you come to see us without an appointment

You’ll find ranks gathered together

Our flags are, as ever,

On our shoulders.

Our voices, as always,

Are rifles,

Are swords.

We wear the blue prison stamps on our shoulders.

We, this year, arrived early.

Our brothers having died on the bridges,

While we, children of the alleys,

Found the alleys running to us.

We’re still as ever, February!

Opening our hearts, embracing life.

We’re singing for war, for our country

For trees, green living things, and homes.

We’re singing for songs, filling the eye

We’re opening our hearts

While the prisons open their doors to us

We are as we always were, February

Waiting for you, for you to come visit

For you to draw our pictures in blood on stone

For you to bring with you all the months, your friends,

Who will see our blood on your soil

And see our freshly planted

As vining hyacinth above your door,

As a new cover on your book.

February—so short, so long,

A piece of us, a page from the book of the Nile!

We are still here, as ever, February…


——

أغنية جديدة إلى فبراير

للشاعر زين العابدين فؤاد

(٢ فبراير ١٩٧٢)

 

احنا ، زي ما احنا، يا فبراير

قبل الميعاد ، ندهنا،

لو تشوفنا

من غير ميعاد ، اتجمعت صفوفنا

اعلامنا : زي ماهي،

فوق كتوفنا

اصواتنا ، زي ماهي:

بنادقنا

سيوفنا

ختم السجون ، ازرق، علي كتوفنا

احنا السنه دي ، جينا بدري

اخواتنا ماتوا علي الكباري

واحنا ولاد كل الحواري

كل الحواري ، جاتنا بتجري

واحنا ، زي ما احنا يافبراير

نفتح قلوبنا ، نحضن الحياه

نغني، لجل الحرب ، والوطن

لجل الشجر، والخضرة، والسكن

لجل الاغاني، تنفرد علي العيون

نفتح قلوبنا

تنفتح لينا السجون

احنا، زي ما احنا ، يا فبراير

نستنظرك، تجينا في الزياره

ترسم صورتنا ، بالدما ، علي الحجاره

تجيب معاك، كل الشهور، صحابك

يشوفوا دمنا ، علي ترابك

يشوفوا زرعنا الجديد

لبلابه فوق ابوابك

جلاده، فوق كتابك

فبراير ، القصير ، الطويل

ياحته مننا، ومن كتاب النيل

احنا زي ما احنا يا فبراير

...

...

1972 فبراير

سجن الاستئناف/ باب الخلق

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Revolution Tourist

I wanted to interview activists as they walked me through the events of a specific day. Stations of the cross, but for the revolution.

Only not a pilgrimage. And no reenactments.

Just a tour.

I told them to pick the day they wanted to talk about. And to structure the tour however they liked. Put together their own story, in whatever way made most sense to them. An account in their own words. Of things they did, or things that happened to them. Things they saw or heard. Told to me on the same stage where the action had taken place.

I wanted them to walk me through their day, in the most mundane sense of the word. To take me, step by step, through the geography of their lives, using place and space to tell the story. I thought that this process might help produce an organic narrative structure, an unforced form, as well as bring back details otherwise forgotten.

K agreed to do it, as long as it was on a day where nothing was planned. At the beginning of our excursion he was hesitant. But he became enthusiastic as he walked me through what were for him the most important hours of the revolution. We met downtown and he paced me through the events of his January 28.

We retraced the steps K and his friends took that morning, from Abdin to Muhammad Naguib Square. K spoke while I struggled to keep up.

Bourse… tear cas canisters… onions… coca cola…

Then we went to Abdel Munim Riyad Square.

Gangs of government thugs entered from that side…

Every few minutes, we would stop and K would tell me about something that happened on this or that spot. I listened and took notes in my notebook as people walked by and stared at us. I took photos of each stop to remind myself of each scene.

Later, much later, we fled up here.

We were back on Talaat Harb when a large crowd of protesters came marching down Soleiman Pasha. It got so loud that I couldn’t hear what K was saying. We paused the tour for a few minutes as they went by, beating drums, singing songs and chanting slogans.

Eventually, they showed up and we started to run. Then we heard gunfire and we knew we had to get off the streets. See that building over there? The door suddenly opened up for us, and the doorman told us to come in. Then he locked the door behind us. They pounded on the door for minutes, but he wouldn’t open it.

As soon as we could hear ourselves again, K resumed his account.

You can find lots of things to use if you need to protect yourself. A car. Or a row of motorcycles. You know the small electric boxes next to streetlights? You can use them too. You can defend yourself with metal traffic barriers. Or curbstones. This stuff is everywhere. I met some guys who know how to use the whole street.

K explained everything to me and listened to my plodding questions very patiently. He looked at his phone then said, “I didn’t know there was something going on today.”

A few minutes went by before another loud march crashed down on us. Hundreds of young men and women went by, singing songs. We had to pause our tour again. No sooner had they passed than another group came behind them. K looked at me and shrugged. He texted a friend, then another. Then he told me more about his January 28.

The parades went by for about an hour until we finally gave up. As the daylight began to fade, we ducked into the headquarters of an officially-recognized opposition party whose leaders had condemned the protests during those first days. I suddenly remembered another time, in this same room, listening to Khaled Mohieddine deliver a rousing speech, long ago, on a sweltering September afternoon.

…the Iraqi people… and Palestine… solidarity

It was like visiting the stage of an abandoned theater.

K called out, “Anyone here?” A man walked through a darkened doorway in the back and waved to us, “Welcome! Come in!”

We went out on the balcony where K resumed his story.

Funny enough, later that same day, we came in here to use the bathroom, drink tea and catch our breath. I stood here on this same balcony for hours waiting. There were some MB youth who set up barricades over there. They were tough. Into weightlifting and karate and shit. If it wasn’t for them, the police would have broken through.

As he talked, another group of activists came marching down the street. Between them and the flocks of sparrows chirping in the twilight of the ficus trees, it was again too loud to carry on a conversation. K checked his messages while I made recordings of the songs. When it quieted down again, K returned to his story.

Suddenly, a huge crowd of Ultras appeared over there. Coming from Marouf. The police began to run. It was over just like that.

We smoked another cigarette and sipped more tea as K added other details. Like the sound a Molotov cocktail makes when it hits concrete versus when it hits metal. Or the piles of cheap black uniforms and cheap black boots the police left behind when they fled. I made a note of everything.

The man reappeared as we began to leave.

“Will you be coming back later?”

“No, Uncle. You can lock up for the night.”

K paid the man and suggested that we end our tour in Midan Tahrir. The square was, after all, the climax of his story, and the destination of our journey. We’d never spoken about it, but we both knew that that would be where we ended up.

We nearly made it there but were interrupted again by another group of activists on the march. At first, we stood there silently, waiting patiently for them to go by. And then, K began shouting to people who shouted back. Finally, K turned to me and explained, “Sorry, these are my friends. I’ve got to join them. Can we finish tomorrow?”

“Of course.”

With a sudden apology, the tour was over.

Of course, we never did go back to finish the tour. There was always something happening every time we tried to make plans. Things would come up—a sit-in, a demo, a meeting—and we’d postpone it again.

Months later, we laughed about it every time we saw each other at the Greek Club. Last time I saw K he said, “What were you thinking, Man? The revolution’s not something you can tour.”

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May is Here

[This short sonnet, composed by Giovanni Francesco Buonamico (c. 1672), is regarded as the second oldest extant poem in Maltese. It is a short work of 16 lines, with a regular rhyme scheme (abba, cddc, effe, gggg). Beneath the English translation, I’ve supplied the original Maltese and an en face Arabic transcription. My notes follow.]

————-

May has come, bringing roses and flowers

Gone the cold, lightning, and rain,

The earth now covered with bouquet and bud.

The winds have calmed, the sea gone silent. 

 

From heaven’s face, the clouds have flown 

On stony hills sprouts the green

Every bird returns to song

Every heart fills with joy

 

There would be little happiness on this island

Were it not for the one who keeps her company.

Were it not for the one who watches over her

You’d cry with hunger, seeing her as a prisoner.

 

You are happiness, and our joy

Cotoner, light of our eyes!

As long as heaven keeps you with us,

At the end of the biting cold, he warms us. 

Giovan Francesco Buonamico

Giovan Francesco Buonamico

Mejju gie bil-Ward u Zahar / مايو جاء بالورد والزهر

Mejju gie' bl'Uard, u Zahar مايو جاء بالورد والزهر
Aadda l bart, e Sceta, u 'l Beracq عدى البرد الشتاء والبرق
T'ghattiet l'art be nuar u l'Uueracq تغطّت الأرض بالنوار والأوراق
heda e riech, seket el Bachar هدا الريح وسكت البحر

Tar e schab men nuece e'Sema طار السحاب من وش السما
Sa f'l'e Gebiel neptet el chdura صفا الجبل نبتت الخضرة
Regeet t'ghanni col Aasfura رجعت تغني كل عصفورة
U' f' el fercol cqalb t'ertema وفي الفرح كل قلب ترتمى


E qaila ferh kien fe di Gesira وقلة فرح كان في دي جزيرة
li ma Kiensce min i uuennesha إلا مكانش من يؤنسها
li ma Kiensce min i charisha إلا مكانش من يحرسها
Kecu tepki el giuh phl lsira كيشو تبكي الجوع في الأسيرة

Enti el ferh, u 'l hena taana انتي الفرح والهناء تاعنا
Cotoner daul ta aineina كوطونير ضوء تا عينينا
Tant li e Sema i challic chdeina تانت السماء يخليك حذانا
Fl'achar bart i colna e schana في الاخر برد يكلنا يسخنا

Translator’s notes:

The first two stanzas celebrate the return of Spring to Malta with fairly standard references to cycles of return and rebirth. In the third stanza, the poem appears takes a turn toward the panegyric, praising those who protect the island from outside threat, ending with the metaphor of the island as hungry captive, a figure that would have resonated with audiences living with Mediterranean piracy, kidnapping and ransom. In the fourth stanza, the object of praise comes into focus when the poet mentions the Mallorcan-born Grand Master of the Knights of Malta, Nicólo Cotoner. It thus appears that the poem was composed to celebrate the expansion of the fortifications of Malta, which was undertaken in the wake of the Ottoman capture of Crete in 1669. The walls built during this period are still known as the Cottoner Lines (Is-Swar tal-Kottonera).

I am not a scholar of Maltese. But I am conversant in Egyptian colloquial Arabic, and possess a smattering of French, Latin, Spanish, and Italian — which gives me the (false?) confidence that I can “read” this little text and render it into English. Also, it helped that there was already an established English translation, by Wettinger and Fsadni (1968), and one very ornate musical setting. Nonetheless, some aspects of the lexicon syntax are ambiguous, like the phrase “Kecu tepki,” which, drawing on the Tunisian colloquial, I scan as “كيشوفو تبكي“ (upon seeing him, you’d cry), which makes sense with the conditional voice of the rest of the stanza. But that’s a guess. Comments, corrections? Please email me!

Mathias Hubertus Prevaes, The Emergence of Standard Maltese: The Arabic Factor (PhD thesis, Nijmegen, 1993).

Arnold Cassola. “An alternative meaning for achar in G.F. Bonamico’s Sonetto”, Melita Historica, 10: 3 (1990), 290-292. 

March 19

And so it turns out

Like so much else

Time, too, is a fiction

“Spring forward!”

They say

And we reply

“Fall backward!”

As together we change the batteries

And remake the days to suit the seasons of sleep.

But mostly we forget.

Has it really been … years?

It was sort of on the news back then.

We watched the flicker of shadows

On the walls of our caves

Sometimes thumbnail pictures of the martyrs

Appeared on A19.

But we don’t call them martyrs

That’s what they do.

Later we told each other stories of healing, redemption and Surge.

Gradually, the procession of heroes came to a halt

The parade was over

We bade farewell to Walter Reed

And drove back across Memorial Bridge

As if that was “it”

As if it was “done”

As if time was a thread

That we cut and tied off

As we finished our stitching.

Some regrets, maybe.

Like never learning that terp’s real name.

Like never having the chance to converse with a native

Without the gun in our hand.

And other things.

Things we’ve forgotten.

Like dropping a stitch and having to start all over again,

One more time.

Or that time we forgot to change the batteries in the smoke alarm

And it went off at 3AM.

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Splitting Dems

The Republican Party cannot win fair elections. Everyone knows this. Most especially Republican strategists. Which is why they are so practiced in voter suppression and gerrymandering. Which is why they are developing strategies for political dominance by way of the non-representative majorities baked constitutionally into the Senate and judicial branches.

Republicans also know that they can win by other means as well. One method involves the Democratic Party engaging in losing strategies and/or failing to fight effectively for victories actually won. Like Hillary Clinton’s campaign in 2016. Or John Kerry’s in 2004. Or Al Gore’s in 2000.

Another method is to create and exacerbate chaos within the Democratic Party. As Rick Perlstein chronicled in his classic Nixonland, Nixon’s ’68 and ’72 campaigns illustrate how this can be accomplished with just a handful of committed spooks, goons and bagmen. Perlstein’s story reminds us that Nixon might have gotten away with all of this had it not been for his deep paranoia and little bad luck. Next time, Republican burglars and ratfuckers will be wiser.

But the most plausible for 2020 seems to be this: splitting the Democratic Party into two or more parties, neither of which would be strong enough to compete against the Republicans.

Lots of commentators have already spoken about how creating a three-party system will only benefit the Trump in particular and Republicans in general. They’re right—but how might a splitting of the party begin?

In 2019, it might begin by way of self-identified centrists dismayed by the social democratic values of younger activists. It might begin with billionaires—who may or may not be Democrats at all—launching third-party candidacies that promise to continue the neoliberal policies of the Obama-Clinton wing without serious reform or revision. It might begin with the donor class threatening that they will not allow the party to engage in substantive critique, let alone reform, of the financial sector.

The accusations will be multiple, but many of them will be generational in nature, with the olds acting like olds as they denounce the identity politics of the whippersnappers, and with concerned seniors worrying about how SJWs are polluting the discourse with intolerant calls to deplatform. Brocialists will be the hilarious butt of jokes, as they were in 2016. Commentators will express their alarm about the hypocrisy of prominent social democrats, about the clothes they wear and the cut of their jib.

While there are already Koch-sponsored projects designed to peel “Home Depot” Dems from the party, most of these efforts will come from inside the right wing of the Democratic Party itself. Expect familiar figures to lead the charge, basing their attacks on the conviction that they stand at the left edge of acceptable American politics. They will be aided by phantom, principled conservatives who never fail to weigh in with their concerns about the direction the Democratic Party is headed. (h/t to Citations Needed for noticing that pattern.)

Instead of arguments and debates, there will be blanket dismissals and presentations of self-evident truths. There will be hand-wringing about going too fast or too far, and worries about whether the American public is ready for change at all. Again, the Republicans need not do much at all, since most of this will come from inside the party establishment.

There will be lots of consensus proclamations in favor of maintaining moldy alliances and dirty arrangements and bloody policies. Thought-leaders, influencers and entrepreneurialism evangelicals will threaten IMF austerity plans on any young-un’ who tries to embarrass the party with talk of universal health care or free college. ‘Serious’ commentators and other adults-in-the-room will talk about NATO or Saudi Arabia as if these relations were sacred bonds of matrimony. Already one group of Democrats have thrown down the gauntlet on Israel, demanding that the party continue to support Israeli apartheid no matter how much it conflicts with liberal values.

There will be lines in the sand regarding the necessity of remaining ‘engaged’ with the world, which entails, natch, leaning forward in Syria and Venezuela. Mention of empire will be grounds for removal. Disagreements about unrestrained interventionism will be treated with lectures on what it means to be grown up.

You might as well hear it here if you haven’t already, there will be lots of AIPAC interference (abetted by Republican allies) and false accusations of anti-Semitism. Get ready for one long, negative adze campaign that will peel off the right wing of the party purely on this issue.

As segments of the old guard get upset and lose, they will leave the dinner table in a huff. At that moment, they will mimic their favorite imaginary friends, those reasonable Republicans who say: I didn’t leave the party, it left me. Or, alternatively, they will refuse to relinquish their posts in party leadership and drive out everyone else.

The only fun part of this will be watching the centrist exiles consummate their steamy romance with never-Trumpers. David Frum might just get some after all. Ross Douthat, Thomas Friedman, Bari Weiss and David Brooks will celebrate that day, along with the donor class, which has always been the base of the centrists. Corporate media and the liberal think-tanks will celebrate the wedding day as the start of a new era, or a return to how things used to be, back when civility reigned and everything was so bipartisan that we didn’t need a special word for it.

And when all this is over, Brookings and the Atlantic Council will sigh, glad to have weathered the storm, and it’ll all make sense again. Whether the emboldened centrists strengthen their grip on the Democratic party and expel their leftist foes, or whether they leave and join Howard Schultz in something new, liberals will get to have their imperial politics, their austerity economics, and their conviction that they alone are experts and realists. They will go back to praying at the high temple of wonk, singing the same old nostrums about access and opportunity. And the Republicans will laugh all the way to power again.

Republicans know that splitting wood warms you twice: once when you chop it, and once again when you burn it. And they also know that today’s Democratic Party, with its various interest groups and constituencies, will be easier to split than a cord of seasoned birch. And it will burn even hotter.

Hear that chunking sound? The chopping has already started. Even Michael Bloomberg is bothered by it.

Don’t expect these lumberjacks to stack the logs neatly by the back door when they’re done.

That’s not their job. Never was.

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Ahmed Fouad Negm: Important Announcement

The Egyptian giant Ahmed Fouad Negm passed away five years ago today. Below is my rough translation of “Bayān Hāmm,” * a poem that was composed for recitation, not song. When Negm performed it, he liked to mimic the public speaking style of Anwar Sadat and there was no mistaking who the butt of the joke was. It is replete with references to the trips Sadat made to Iran in 1976 to visit his friend, the Shah, and filled with the kinds of linguistic gaffes — overcorrections, grammatical infelicities and surprise leaps from register to register — for which Sadat was famous. I’ve tried to capture the brilliance of Negm’s language which captures all the “mistakes” of an incompetent (or stoned) public official.

Negm was arrested in the fall of 1977 for a performance of this poem he gave at Ain Shams University. He was initially charged in a civilian court with defamation and incitement. The defamation charges were quickly dropped since, to prove them, the aggrieved party — Sadat — would have had to come forward to show that he was the basis for the ridiculous figure of Shahhata al-Mi‘assal. Sadat declined to do this, depriving history of great theatre.

The eminent Egyptian historian, Salah ‘Isa (who passed away last year at about this same time), wrote the story of how Negm and five others were eventually convicted in a military court on charges of fomenting rebellion and insulting the President of the Republic. Before sentencing, however, Negm went into hiding. Negm remained a fugitive for more than three years before he was finally caught. Here’s the poem that caused all the trouble.

Important Announcement

Upsidedownistan here.

Your sweet ole radio station.

Coming to you from Cairo and Kurdifan

From every Arab country and Japan

From Venezuela and even Iran

And any country open to the rule

Of tourism à l’américaine.

Tumblestan here.

Your good ole radio station.

We present to you, in every language

Plays and movies and all the arts

And press and speeches and televisionings

And mosque sermons, cheese and olives.

We show up in your home uninvited, riding on every airwave

Studying and grasping all issues

No matter the occasion, we’re bright and loud

No one listens, and no one cares

Listen or not, it doesn’t matter to us

You see, we’re the types who get paid either way.

Keep to yourself and don’t make us give you a lashing with our pen and tongue!

Somersaultistan here.

Your good ole radio station.

It pleases us (even if it doesn’t please you)

On this occasion (to which you haven’t been invited)

To bring to you—and don’t be disgusted—

Shaḥḥāta al-Mi‘assal, totally unvarnished.

The Chief Broker of the Developeding World

Educator of Croupiers

Destroyer of Farms, Pawner of Crops

And—may your wishes come true—Commander of Armies

You can’t deny it, can’t say you don’t know him.

Can’t say you’ve never heard of him.

Shaḥḥāta al-Mi‘assal, beloved by all hearts

He gets out the stains, the worries and fears,

He tokes, he snorts, he pops pills

You won’t understand him as he blathers on

Understand, or not—we don’t care.

Because you understand, even if you pretend you don’t.

You can deny it and swear it, but I tell you:

Don’t bother. You’ll give us both a headache.

Upsidedownistan here.

Your good ole radio station.

Because what was hidden has been revealed, clear as day

The issues are out for all to see

Stories have been told, even in print

About the smuggling and shirking and about this and that

About the influence peddling and deceit

That have appeared in the city like a flood

Sinking boats and inundating fields.

More boats are yet to sink.

And the crisis in housing, and the crisis in public safety.

While some eat well off a hungry world

The place is filled with a stench of conspiracy

And planning treason with the Americans

To slaughter the people and burn down the neighbors

People are chattering about it, so an announcement is in order.

As the ears have reported to us

For this reason and that, and the other one, too

We present to you the sugar doll and horse

Shaḥḥāta al-Mi‘assal, and this announcement.

Upsidedownistan here.

Your good ole radio station.

In the name of God.

A peace upon you. And salmon and bananas.

As far as everything’s going, it’s all hunky dory.

O Brethren, O Brothe…

Here is my announcement, as to what follows:

Everything is A-okay.

And all that talk that’s going around is just talk.

Verily, Don’t be impatiently! And don’t worry—

It’s the stuff of small-minded people, and I won’t accept it!

Nothing is wrong.

I swear most solemnly, most solemnly thrice,

There is nothing wrong, nothing at all.

And know this: even if there was something

There’s nothing.

There’s no reason to talk about it or nag me.

And shame on kids

Who go on with their churlishness

Making me pay them attention, forcing me to debate them.

By my very nature, I am against big dealers

For the sake of free competition and neighborliness.

But, it is not in my character

To expose the scandal

Of an associate of mine who’s pocketed a few bills.

Everybody puts things away for themselves

The new ones do it, just like the old ones did before.

So People: Zionize yourself and go with the flow!

Have a good toke and a good evening.

My good Iranian buddy, Prince Bazarmīṭ

Wrote me this year to invite me to a big party,

I accepted, of course, and we went to the bash,

It was the kind of banquet that only happens once.

My God—what fried foods, and the puddings!

What stews and platters!

To be frank, my head began spinning

From all the luxury and Persianate trimming.

There, for instance, when you drink second-hand dregs

They serve it with sweetmeats and veal pastrami as appetizers.

Over there, I never saw anyone envying anyone

Or people insulting anyone

Who happened to purchase two farms on the cheap

Because he was such a smart entrepreneur and developed them into housing.

After the feast we collected our presents

Silver plated and gold plated, and faience, too.

And of course, my good buddy the Prince Bazarmīṭ

Told me something

Which I’ll tell you about

at some appropriate time.

Some punks will come after me without cause.

Getting up in my face, sitting to judge me.

That is socialist resentment, and I will not tolerate it.

If they were my sons, I’d ground them at home.

Talk about wheeler-dealers, Talk about whoring—

Fake news and tired old slogans!

They want to turn the whole country into chaos!

They have long wanted me to leave the country

But I will not give it up, or let security slip

Not by the police, nor by the public prosecutor.

O People, do me a solid and hang tightly tight!

Stay the course and the money will come.

Eat and drink according to what comes to you,

Let yourself drown in a sea of slaves and slave-girls,

Paint your life as you like

As brothels and palaces fill the streets.

Say your prayers and thank God

For the blessings of garbage and sewer overspills.

In closing, peacely,

And finally, in terms of words,

Necessitarily, calm and harmony must prevail

Or else, and if not, I will smash it to bits, or else…

I will take all my money and leave this country at oncely!

A peace upon you, and salmon and bananas,

By my authority as president, and father and husband.

—————————

* This translation is based on a recording of the November 14, 1977 performance of “Bayān Hāmm” at ‘Ayn Shams University. Negm composed and performed versions of the poem in the first months of 1976. These, along others, exist in multiple guises across different print and electronic media. The print version closest to this transcription can be found in Aḥmad Fu’ād Najm, al-A‘māl al-kāmila (Damascus: Dar Tlas, 1986), v. I, 133-158. An earlier print version of the text can be found in: Aḥmad Fu’ād Najm, Bayān hāmm: ghanā’ Shaykh Imām; dirāsat al-Ṭāhir Aḥmad Mikkī (Beirut: Dār al-Fārābī, 1976). For more information on Negm’s legal troubles with this poem, see: Ṣalāḥ ‘Īsa, Shā‘ir takdīr al-amn al-‘āmm: al-milaffāt al-qaḍā’īya li-l-shā‘ir Aḥmad Fu’ād Najm (Cairo: Dar al-Shorouk, 2007), 205-242.

At the Ramparts of the Human

Here my words and bear witness to my vow. Night gathers and now my watch begins. It shall not end until my death. I shall take no wife, hold no lands, father no children. I shall wear no crowns and win no glory. I shall live and die at my post. I am the sword in the darkness. I am the watcher on the walls. I am the shield that guards the realm of men.

— “The Oath of the Night Watch,” Game of Thrones.

At this very moment, large, well-organized caravans of migrants are marching towards our southern border. Some people call it an “invasion.” It’s like an invasion. They have violently overrun the Mexican border. You saw that two days ago. These are tough people, in many cases. A lot of young men, strong men. And a lot of men that maybe we don’t want in our country.

— Donald Trump. November 1, 2018.

Turns out I wasn’t wrong to suggest back in the summer that there were deep affinities between Israeli and American border rhetoric and the apocalyptic imaginary of contemporary Hollywood. When I wrote, I was grappling with the border-wall imaginary around Gaza and how it worked to transform (in image and story) one of the most destitute and desperate societies of human history (contemporary, besieged Gaza) into vicious enemies who were not quite human. The more I thought about it, the more I saw how it resonated with genre narratives (from sci-fi and fantasy to Westerns) about the frontiers of humanity. Game of Thrones meets World War Z meets Lord of the Rings meets The Searchers.

In both news reporting and fiction entertainment, we now regularly encounter images of walls erected to protect beleaguered groups of heroes from invasion by masses of humanoid monsters in the form of zombies, orcs, White Walkers, and unruly natives.

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At the time, I had not yet discovered The Green Line, the fash podcast from Border Patrol brass Brandon Judd, Chris Cabrera, and Art Del Cueto. Thanks to an especially brilliant episode of Intercepted, I learned about this podcast, which is sponsored by Breitbart, as well as a knife manufacturer, a boot company, and a Texas physical therapy provider corporation that specializes in workman comp cases. The hosts play up the fact that they are leaders in the National Border Patrol Council, a right-wing frontier militia that poses as a labor union for federal employees.

Day after day, the hosts bring the voice of nativist ressentiment and weapons-positive chauvinism to a discussion of American politics. They call for wider gun proliferation and criminalization of non-citizen residents. They also, unsurprisingly, advocate a cruel if familiar military strategy against refugees fleeing the ravages of US-backed dictators and death squads in Central American. If you ever wanted reasons to abolish the Department of Homeland Security, you’ll find them here.

What’s fascinating and disturbing is that this podcast very consciously broadcasts from the ramparts. Yes—the hosts see themselves as the Night’s Watch, as cosmic guardians not just of a particular civilization, but of humanity itself. Westeros is real to them, and so is the Wall. Take a listen to this 2016 episode of the Green Line or any other and judge for yourself.

Do Border Patrol leadership imagine they work for Jon Snow? How many patrolmen really believe that Honduran refugees are White Walkers? Shockingly, some do.

Sadly, Herzl and Sobchak were correct to point out that if you will it, it is no dream. For those with enough will and weaponry, the wall between the imagined and the actual is never too thick or too high.

Obviously, science fiction doesn’t cause zombie apocalypses. But apocalyptic-minded armed thugs, with the full force of the state behind them, might just act on their fantasies in this actual world.